- The East Bengal Regiment of Pakistan Army
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“The Pakistani government committed a blunder which made the defection 100 percent. Otherwise, it might have been a fraction, like some people defecting at one time and others later at different stages. But Pakistan government asked Bangalees in the army, the EPR and the police, I mean military and paramilitary, to surrender saying they have been disbanded. A trained person with arms does not surrender to anybody on a radio announcement; it never happened in history. A detailed preparation was necessary to make it successful, which they did not have. They just made a radio announcement that all Bangladeshis have been disbanded and they should surrender their arms. So, those in the army and the EPR had to defect, and that is why the army defection and the EPI defection was 100 percent.
If the Pakistan government had not done this announcement, maybe five percent would have defected at first, then 20, 30 or 50 percent would have defected. The rest 50 percent would have continued in their jobs. There would have been a question of doubt as to how many would take part in the Liberation War and how many would remain with Pakistan Army.”
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WHY BANGLADESH?
The Bengalis’ demand for independence had been forced upon the people of East Pakistan by the savage and atrocious action of the West Pakistani army government. What the Bengalis had really been wanting were regional autonomy and social and economic justice. Recent events have conclusively proved that there was no plan for secession and there was no armed preparation on the part of the Bengalis to achieve that. They were confidently expecting a good result from President Yahya Khan’s democratic gesture. But the West Pakistani army, through its systematic butchery of unarmed civilians, forced the Bengalis to take the ultimate decision-to become a completely independent sovereign state. A clear cut line has been drawn decisively, separating the Bengali speaking people of the East and the people of West Pakistan. The decision was inevitable because of the continuous exploitation of the East by the West. To the world it naturally did not come as a surprise. On the other hand many voices had been predicting it for a long time. Besides religion, there was nothing common between these two people. Ethnically, culturally, in their thought, language, way of life-in everyway they were two nations. There was no attempt towards reconciliation but only economic exploitation and social injustice. East Pakistan existed only for the benefit of the West Pakistani capitalist merchants, industrialists and contractors, for the militarists and civil bureaucrats. For the last 24 years the Pakistan Government, manned mostly by West Pakistanis, dominated the state policy aiming to develop the barren deserts of West Pakistan by a deliberate policy which impoverished East Pakistan. Cleverly enough, Pakistan Government tried its best not to reveal the figures separately to show the gross disparity. Nevertheless, from available figures, mostly official, the truth could not be kept concealed.
AVERAGE ANNUAL BUDGET
Total Revenue Rs. 6,000 million W.P. E.P.
Expenditure on Defence Total 60% 50% 10 %
Civil Expenditure Total 40 % 25% 15%While E.P. provides 60% of the total revenue, it receives only about 25% for its expenditure and West Pakistan providing 40% in the central exchequer receives 75% of the remaining.
FOREIGN TRADE & EXCHANGE EARNINGS
During 10 year period 1958-68
West Pakistan East PakistanExport Import Export Import£820 m £2,315 m £1,153 m £1,000 m
41% 70 % 59% 30%
In foreign trade East Pakistan exports constitute 59 % of the total but imports only 30% of the imports which consists of consumer goods and food, very little is left for development projects. During the same period West Pakistan earned 41 % of the total foreign exchange and was allowed 70% of the foreign exchange earnings. Major portion of this was spent on various development projects in West Pakistan.
INTER ZONAL TRADE 1964-1969
Exports from West to East Pakistan Rs. 5,292 million
Exports from East to West Pakistan Rs. 3,174 million
This is an example of continuous drain of East Pakistani capital to West Pakistan. It has been estimated that total transfer of resources from East Pakistan to West Pakistan since 1947 had been £3,000 million.
Let us look at typical Export items for the year 1964-65: Rs.
Jute and jute products (all from East Pakistan): 124,580 m
Cotton & cotton manufactures (many from W.P.): 51,880 m
Hides & Skins (mainly from East Pakistan): 6,130 m
Tea (all from East Pakistan): 1,000 m
Wool (all from West Pakistan): 7,300 m
Others (East & West together): 56,200 mPERCENTAGE OF ALLOCATION OF FUNDS FOR DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS
Item West Pakistan East Pakistan
Foreign Exchangefor various developments: 80 % 20%
Foreign Aid (excluding U.S. AID): 96% 4%
U.S. Aid: 66% 34%
Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation: 58% 42%
Pakistan Industrial Credit & Investment
Corporation: 80% 20%
Industrial Development Bank: 76% 24%
House Building: 88% 12%
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77 % 23%Above figures are clearly indicative for the tremendous industrial growth in West Pakistan which received 77% of the total development expenditure for its 40% of the total population.
FOREIGN AID TO PAKISTAN
Chinese loan to Pakistan U.S. $ 60 m in 1965 mostly spent in West Pakistan including a Heavy Machinery Complex costing U.S. $ 9 m, but only U.S. $ 125,000 for East Pakistan Water & Power Development. But the loan is to be repaid by exporting jute and jute products.
World Bank credits in 1954 $ 14 m and in 1965 $ 15 m for Sui Gas Project in West Pakistan. Same source supplied $ 17 m in 1964 for Karachi Port Development and $ 30 m to Pakistan Investment and Credit Corporation to finance mostly projects in West Pakistan. International Development Association (U.N. Agency) gave a credit of $ 8.5 m to West Pakistan and $ 4.5 m to East Pakistan in 1964 for educational projects.
Russian Aid of £ 11 m to £ 18 m was given to West Pakistan in 1965 for oil prospecting.
U.K. Loan during the period 1947-1965 amounted to £ 64 m has been spent mostly in West Pakistan.
U.S. Aid of $ 3.6 billion-$ 2.7 billion spent for Mangla Dam & Tarbela Dam in West Pakistan and only $ 0.9 billion for control of flood in East Pakistan. These loans no doubt converted the barren lands of West Pakistan into fertile ones whereas very little was done to tackle effectively the flood problem of East Pakistan-the most fertile land in the world. The people of East Pakistan had been allowed to suffer from recurring cyclones and flood disasters since 1953.
COMPARATIVE INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT
West Pakistan East Pakistan
Established INDUSTRIAL in both wings 1947-48 1966-67 1947-48 1966-67
Cot-.on Textile production in million yds 350 6,836 508 550
1,853% increase 8.26% increase
Sugar production in ‘ 000 tons 10 304 25 112
2,940 % increase 348 % increase
Cement production in ‘000 tons 305 1,934 46 75
534% increase 63 % increaseAbove tables clearly show how the established industries in East Pakistan had been allowed to grow extremely slowly in comparison with the extremely fast growing industries in the West. With the influx of capitalists from Bombay the picture began to change rapidly.
In the field of new industries, the percentage of investments in West and East Pakistan is roughly 75% and 25% respectively. Moreover, East Pakistani industries are mainly owned and controlled by the West Pakistanis whose main interest is to transfer the profits to West Pakistan instead of helping East Pakistan’s prosperity. It has been calculated that since 1947 the real transfer of resources from East to West has been to the tune of £ 3,000 million. There was no state control over private investment and as such the flow had been completely unchecked.
Steel-the basic item required for any development-is now being produced in two mills in West & East Pakistan. Funds provided for these mills were £ 56 million for West Pakistan and £ 11 million for East Pakistan.
AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
West Pakistan East PakistanFertiliser distribution during 1964-68,
in ‘ 000 nutrient tons 739 66 % 371 33%
Improved seed distribution during
1964-69, in ‘ 000 tons 342 89 % 40 11 %
1951-52 1966-67 1951-52 1966-67
Increase in fish production in ‘ 000 mts 56 153 175 259
273 % increase 48 % increase
Distribution of tractors
Wheel type (numbers) 20,069 1,825
Other large (numbers) 2,000 350
91% 9%Needless to mention that the agricultural land in East Pakistan has more acreage and most lands produce 2 to 3 crops a year, whereas in the West the acreage is less and the productivity per acre is much smaller. One fails to understand the logic in these state of affairs.
In agriculture finance, the Pakistan Agricultural Development Bank has lent over Rs. 600 million, but most of these went to West Pakistani farmers. Most of the large irrigation projects have been treated as federal projects and financed by the Central Government and has been completed in West Pakistan. This was a deliberate attempt to keep the 75 million Bengalis at starvation level. In the federal army of 500,000 only 20,000 are Bengalis. Those 480,000 West Pakistanis spend their income in the West which indirectly help the economy of that part of the country. Economic experts have evidence that in 1959 an average East Pakistani was 20% worse off than another in the West. In 1968, he was 40% worse off than his brother in Islam in West Pakistan.
POWER DEVELOPMENT
Another criterion to measure progress is the consumption of electric power per head of the population. In Pakistan growth in power production has grown considerably. West Pakistan generates by hydel, thermal and other means a total of 838,000 KW (83% of the total) whereas East Pakistan generates 179,500 KW (17% of the total). A great share of foreign aid had been spent on various power development projects. Two giant irrigation and power development projects in Indus Basin cost $ 1800 million and WAPDA spent Rs. 1453 m in 5 years 1959-64.
EDUCATION: Progress in 20 years
Area West Pakistan East Pakistan
1947-48 1968-69 1947-48 1968-69
Primary Schools 8,413 39,418 29,663 28,308
Number increase Number decreases in spite
4 times of increased children1947-48 1965-66 1947-48 1965-66
Secondary Schools 2,598 4,472 3,481 3,964
176% 114%
increase increase
1947-48 1968-69 1947-48 1968-69
Colleges-various Types 40 271 50 162
675% 320%
increase increase
Medical/Engineering/
Agricultural colleges 4 17 3 9
425% 300%
increase increase
Universities 2 1
(654 scholars) (1620 scholars)
6 4
(18.708 scholars) (8,831 scholars)
Increase in scholars 30 times 5 timesIt is interesting to note that although the school going population increased in East Pakistan the number of schools decreased through deliberate policy of neglect, whereas during the same period the Pakistan government spent vast sums of money and increased the number of schools in West Pakistan by 4} times. Was not that a systematic plan for giving the West Pakistani children a better academic start so that their future career was firmly assured? The natural result was the vast increase in the number of colleges of all kinds and universities. This is a clear evidence of Government policy aiming at keeping the East Pakistani children intellectually inferior by not providing the facilities they deserve. The end product that we see is in the number of University scholars. In East Pakistan, which had double the number of scholars in 1947, the number only increased by five times in 20 years and in West Pakistan the corresponding increase is thirty times. In the field of research and development centres established for agricultural, medical, scientific, industrial research. out of 16 centres 13 are located in West Pakistan. As far as the scholarships and training grants for studies abroad under Colombo Plan, Ford Foundation. Cotnmonwealth Aid and many others the bulk of these go to the West Pakistanis. Some of these are not even advertised in the East Pakistani press and many of these are awarded directly from West Pakistan.
If we consider the question of employment, we can see the repetition of the same injustice. While the state policy on education had kept the East Pakistanis less developed, in the case of recruitment in civil, military and other services the same policy of depriving the Bengalis had been effectively carried out. Having most of the recruitment centres, they have the most advantage. Headquarters of the army, navy, air force and all central government services as well as private employees of all kind are located in West Pakistan. Most of the vacancies are either not advertised in the East Pakistani press or the practical difficulty of being interviewed is present. Moreover, the various recruitment boards consisting mostly of West Pakistanis are not so well disposed to accept an East Pakistani. In the armed forces, by making a physical standard far too high for an average Bengali, the system of eliminating the Bengali candidates had been very easy and successful. The following figures show some examples of disparity in this field:
West Pakistan East Pakistan
Central Civil Service 84% 16%
Foreign Service 85% 15%
Foreign Head of Missions (numbers) 60 9
Army 95% 5%
Army: Officers of General
Rank (Numbers) 16 1
Navy Technical 81% 19%
Navy-non technical 91% 9%
Air Force Pilots 89% 11%
Armed Forces (Numbers) 500,000 20,000
Pakistan Airlines ,, 7,000 280
P.I.A. Directors ,, 9 1
P.I.A. Area Managers ,, 5 none
Railway Board Directors „ 7 1ORGANISATIONAL IMBALANCE
The selection of the capital of Pakistan in Karachi in 1947 gave the West a boost to growth in all spheres. Rs. 200 million was spent on its development and when it was fully developed it was handed over to the West Pakistan provincial government. All incomes derived as a result went to the provincial government. Thereafter another Rs. 200 million was allocated for the capital development at Islamabad. A sum of only Rs. 20 million was provided for a second capital at Dacca, in East Pakistan.
All the offices of the central government are located in the West including the headquarters of the army, navy and airforce and all the military academies. It is important to note that 60% of Pakistan’s budget is spent on defence and 80% of that goes to the military contractors, armed personnel who are West Pakistanis.
Head offices of all the public and private establishments, e.g., State Bank of Pakistan, Pakistan International Airlines, National Bank of Pakistan and other banks, Insurance companies, Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation, National Shipping Corporation, Foreign Missions and hundred other Pakistani and foreign agencies have their head offices in West Pakistan and with their West Pakistani bosses and West Pakistani connections made sure that the policies of those organisations favour West Pakistanis.
SOCIAL WELFARE
In the field of social welfare, the same pattern is reflected. Let us look at some of the statistics comparing the two wings.
West Pakistan East Pakistan
Population 55 million 75 million
Total number of doctors 12,400 7,600
Total number of Hospital beds 26,000 6,000
Rural Health Centres 325 88
Urban Community Development Centres 81 52East Pakistan has been described as one of the poorest country in the world. Even the economists, impartial and foreign, admitted that. How does the average East Pakistani compare with his compatriat in West Pakistan?
West Pakistan East Pakistan
Rural Urban Rural Urban
Employment of civil labour force 59 % 41 % 86% 14%In West Pakistan the industrial development provided 41 % of the total labour force, employment and a better standard of life. In East Pakistan, the poor development in industrial sphere made only 14% of the total employment available in the cities. The result is reflected in the figures for per capita income and gross domestic product.
West Pakistan East Pakistan
1960 1970 1960 1970
Per Capita income in Pakistan Rupees 355 492 269 308The difference in per capita income between East and West Pakistan had been 86 in 1960. Ten years later the difference sored to 184. In other words while the standard of living had been increasing in the West it had been declining in East Pakistan.
West Pakistan East Pakistan
1959-60 1964-65 1959-60 1964-65
Gross domestic product per capital 312 391 242 297Staple food of East Pakistani is rice and of West Pakistani is wheat. Let us compare the market price of the two.
West Pakistan East Pakistan
Rice per mound (82 lbs) Rs. 18 Rs. 50
Wheat per mound (82 Ibs) Rs. 10 Rs. 35How could one expect a better health standard when the East Pakistani has to pay a far higher price for his food when his income is far below that of his compatriot in the West? The picture becomes clearer when we compare the average calories intake in rural areas.
West Pakistan East Pakistan
Calorie intake in rural areas in 1960-65 per
head per day 1,625 1,556In the urban areas the disparity is even greater. (Calorie intake in U.K. is 3,250).
These facts and figures, backed by current available statistics, prove that East Pakistan is economically viable. The necessary resources vital for the development of a country are present, though undeveloped. Given substantial foreign aid, and opportunities to develop its natural resources, there is no reason why Bangla Desh should not be self-sufficient in course of time. World powers must realise that since Bangla Desh is fully capable of attaining economic stability, the right of selfdetermination, vital to her very existence, can no longer be denied.Above all, the injustice meted out to her, the social and economic neglect that was her share over the past two decades, justifies in all fairness that she be given the right to govern herself.——————————————————————————————
All these statistics have been taken from official and other reliable sources which include : National Planning Commission, 20 Years of Pakistan, Central Bureau of Education, Department of Investment Promotion, Central Board of Revenue, Central Statistical Office, Pakistan Year Book, 1970, Marine Fisheries Department, Pakistan Economic Survey, Government of Pakistan Budgets, Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, Financial Times, The Economist, Developponent Prospects of Pakistan (by a Norwegian Economist).The Freedom Fighters
Mukti Bahini or Liberation Army, also termed as the “Freedom Fighters” was a guerrilla force which fought against the Pakistan Army during the Bangladesh War of Independence in 1971.
The earliest move towards forming the liberation army came from the reading of declaration of independence by major ziaur rahman of East Bengal Regiment on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He had defected after the 25th March crackdown of Pakistani Army on Bangladeshi Forces. In the declaration made from Kalurghat Betar Kendra (Chittagong) on 27 March 1971, Zia assumed the title of “provisional commander in chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army”.
Headed by Colonel Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani, a retired Pakistani Army officer, this band was raised as Mujib’s action arm and security force before assuming the character of a conventional guerrilla force. After the declaration of independence, the Pakistani military sought to quell them, but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to the underground “Bangladesh army”. These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and bolstered their weaponry.
On April 12, 1971 Colonel (later General) M A G Osmani assumed the command of armed forces at Teliapara (Sylhet) headquarters. Osmani was made the commander-in-chief of Bangladesh Armed Forces on April 17, 1971. Serious initiative for organising the Bangladesh liberation army was taken between 11-17 July. In a meeting of the sector commanders in Kolkata, four important resolutions were taken in consideration of strategic aspects of the war, existing problems and future course of resistance.
Other than the organizations of Mukti Bahini who were generally trained and armed by the Indian Army, there were independent guerrilla groups led by individual leaders, either nationalists or leftists who were successfully controlling some areas.
Regular and irregular forces: The regular forces consisted of the three forces: Z-Force under the command of Major Ziaur Rahman, K-Force under Khaled Mosharaf and S-Force under KM Shafiullah. Most of the soldiers came from East Pakistan Rifles and East Bengal Regiment. Those members of the EPR, Police and Army who could not be accommodated in these battalions were divided into units and sub-units to fight in different sectors. The irregular forces were those who were trained for guerrilla warfare. In addition, there were also some independent forces that fought in various regions of Bangladesh and liberated many areas. These included mujib bahini, Kaderia Bahini, Afsar Battalion and Hemayet Bahini.
Bangladesh Navy: Bangladesh Navy was constituted in August 1971. Initially, there were two ships and 45 navy personnel. These ships carried out many successful raids on the Pakistani fleet. But both of these ships were mistakenly hit and destroyed by the Indian fighter planes on 10 December 1971, when they were about to launch a major attack on Mongla seaport.
Bangladesh Air Force: It started functioning on 28 September at Dimapur in Nagaland, under the command of Air Commodore AK Khondakar. Initially, it comprised of 17 officers, 50 technicians, 2 planes and 1 helicopter. The Air Force carried out more than twelve sorties against Pakistani targets and were quite successful during the initial stages of the Indian attack in early December.
Mukti Bahini in the final phase: The liberation forces started carrying out massive raids into enemy fronts from October 1971. After the signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty in August 1971, India began to demonstrate more interest in the Bangladesh war. And finally, India entered the war on 3 December 1971. In fact, the Indian soldiers were already participating in the war in different guises since November when the freedom fighters had launched the Belonia battle.
Statistics of the Freedom Fighters:
The total number of Freedom Fighters during Bangladesh War of Liberation was not recorded anywhere.
Maj. Gen. K.M. Shafiullah, the commander of Sector-3 and later commander of S-Force during the War of Liberation, and later the first Chief of Army Staff of Bangladesh Army gives as estimate in his book “Bangladesh in Liberation War” as follows:
Sector-1 5,000
Sector-2 20,000
Sector-3 15,000
Sector-4 5,000
Sector-5 5,000
Sector-6 5,000
Sector-7 5,000
Sector-8 9,000
Sector-9 4,000
Sector-11 7,000Total 80,000
The above is the number of Freedom Fighters under of the Bangladesh government in exile. The estimate for other smaller forces are as follows:
Mujib Bahini 10,000
Kader Bahini 5,000
Hemeyet Bahini 1,500
Others 10,000
Sub-total 25,500Grand Total:105,000
The East Pakistan Army, East Pakistan Rifles and Police joined the war for freedom:
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EXPLORE BANGLADESH
https://secure.tagged.com/mukthishena71
3 months ago
10022 times
desh1
JOY BANGALA JOY BANDGABANDHU
January 10, 2010
Female
বাংলা, English
Asian
Muslim
Straight
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About Me
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Amar Shonar Bangla Ami Tomay Bhalobashi, chirodeen tomar akash, tomar batash amar prane Oma amar prane bajaya banshi, shonar bangla ami tomaya bhalobashi Oma Fagune tor amer bone Ghrane pagol kore mori haya haya Oma fagune tor amer bone grane pagol kore oma oghrane tor bhora khhethe ki dekhechi ami ki dekheci modhur hashi shonar bangla ami tomaya bhalobashi
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stop genocide Late Zahir Raihan, Ora 11 jan,
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golam azomer fashi, ali ahsan muzahider bou palaise, saeedhir sagol ghash khayna, Nizamir tupi haraiya giyase, kader mollah bish khaise, fakar pola sakar deen shesh, banker Shah abdul hannan taka niya polaiya gese. falur ghore khaledhar aaro ekthi tareq zia poydha hoise.
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1. golam azam shuar projonon centre 2. khaledha zia birth control pills 3. nizami kukur suppliers co. ltd.
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I want to see the death body of the war criminals al badre, al shams and Razakars, especially Maulana Golam Azam, Matiur Rahman Nizami,Ali Ahsan Mujahid, Fake Maulana Delwar Hossain Saeedhy, Shah Abdul Hannan, Kader Mollah, SAKA choudhury and others.
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it is my deep dream that the killer of Banglabandhu should be hanged up and will not to see any killer once more in the country.
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1. Khaleda Zia: A legendary story of a prostitute former Prime Minister Iskandar Majumder, Taiyaba Majumder at Dinajpur district Ziaur Rahman. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Khaleda Zia Tareq Rahman Dr.Iajuddin Ahmed, Mirza Abbas, Sadek Hossain Khoka, Haris Choudhury, Fazlur Rahman Patal, Mir Nasir Hossain, Naser Rahman(tony), Gias al mamun Motiur Rahman Nizami ali ahsan mujahid, saka choudhury, saeedhy, Ali Ahsan Mujaheed Dr A.B. Mirza Md. Azizul Islam, general bari,Lutfuzzaman babar, Bar moinul hossain, General M A Matin will be honored by the Pakistan, USA, Saudi Arabia and Libya 2. Major General Mahbub has been scandalized and jutha petalized for supporting to reforms BNP. 2. Bar Moudud has been arrested by the combined forces with the Sir Edward's whiskey. 3. Tareq Zia n Koko has been hospitalized n broken the backbone by the combined force. 4. khaleda zia married Falu in the kingdom of Saudi Arabian Royal Family was the chief guest in the wedding ceremony.
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Joy Bangla Banglar Joy, hobe hobe hobe hobe nishchoy koti tara ek shathe jegese ondhho rathe natun surya uttar ayetho samoy joy bangla banglar joy
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Ora shuarer bachcha, kukur odher theke bohuth achcha, odher mukhe ekhono keno hashi? ekhono keno hoyna odher fashi?
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Everyone Remember, The Indian Government & people's provided utmost support to Bangladeshi people during 1971 liberation war. Indian people tried their best to give shelter, food,water, medicines and all other form of humanitarian support to 10 million Bangladeshi refugees and freedom fighters including basic training and necessary arms ammunitions. Mrs. Indira Gandhi travelled all over the world to let the world know what atrocity and genocide Pakistan Army doing all over Bangladesh which Pakistan government always denied. Bangladeshi people will always be thankful to Indian people for their help in 1971. Moktel Hossain Mukthi Freedom Fighter (Trained in India) singer and composer bangabandhu swarone "mukthir gaan" 1,2 & 3
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the killer of bangabandhu are still alive and some of army personnel are helping to release them & some of generals trying to kill Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana those are related to JAMAT E ISLAMI BANGLADESH. 5. It is the Golden Dream of BNP that Tareq Zia will be the Prime Minister of Bangladesh in near future and that is why Khaleda Delwar Trying to bring back Tareq zia & Mahmudur Rahman Manna, Sagoler teen number bachcha made fake story, scandal against Sajib Wajed Joy. wonderful plan! Bravo!
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As a freedom fighter and as a son of the soil of Bangladesh, I feel better now. The nation has been freed from a curse and the rule of law has been upheld. We need to punish those who supported and rewarded these killers : Moktel Hossain Mukthi
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Right Wall
Ghulam Azam
(Bengali: গোলাম আযম) (born 7 November 1922), is a Bangladeshi political leader who is recognized by the Bangladeshis as one of the worst war criminals of the Liberation War of Bangladesh.[1] The former Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, he opposed the independence of Bangladesh both during the liberation war and upon its liberation on December 16, 1971 and lead the formation of Shanti Committee, Razakar and Al-Badr to thwart the freedom fighters of Bangladesh.[2][3][4] He also lobbied against the acknowledgment of new-born Bangladesh after 1971.
He was a permanent resident of England until 1978, and maintained Pakistani citizenship until 1994 due to the decision by the Bangladeshi government at the time to refuse him citizenship. From 1978 to 1994 he lived in Bangladesh illegally without any authorized Bangladeshi visa.[5][6] In 1994, the Supreme Court upheld the decision to restore his citizenship of Bangladesh as a matter of birth-right.[7] He was the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh until 2000.
EARLY POLITICAL CAREER
Azam entered politics as a student leader at Dhaka University, and in 1947 became the Secretary General of the Dhaka University Central Students Union. Among his earliest campaigns was participation in the Bengali Language Movement during 1950s. He submitted the memorandum to the Pakistan government demanding Bengali as one of the state languages, on behalf of the students of Dhaka University, following the demand made by Dhirendranath Datta in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in February 1948 and the resulting nationalist uprising in East Bengal. Azam, however, distanced himself from the Language Movement when it became clear that it was becoming a rallying call for a secular Bengali nationalist movement rather than one focused on Bengali Muslim activism alone. Since his return to Bangladesh in the 1970s Ghulam Azam has never participated in the official commemorations of the Language Movement and he and his party celebrate that event separately
Azam became the secretary of the Islamist political party, Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, in 1957. Later, he became the Ameer (president) of the Jamaat in East Pakistan in 1969. He was also a participant in the formation of the Pakistan Democratic Alliance in 1967.
EARLY INITIATIVES WITH SHANTI COMMITTEE
During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, Azam played a central role in the formation of Peace Committees, which declared the independence movement to be a conspiracy hatched by India.[2] Azam was one of the founding members of this organization.[2] After the genocide of 25th March Pakistani forces lost control of Bangladesh. To help control this situation Pakistani army set up a network of peace committees superimposed upon the normal civil administration as army couldn't rely upon that administration. Peace Committee members were drawn from Jamaat-e-Islami led by Ghula Azam, Muslim League and Biharis. Peace committee served as the agent of army, informing on civil administration as well as general public. They were also in charge of confiscating and redistribution of shops and lands from Hindu and pro-independence Bengali- mainly relatives and friends of the freedom fighters. Almost 10 million Bangladeshis fled to neighboring India as refugees. The Shanti Committee also recruited Razakars. Razakars were common criminals who had thrown their lots with the army.
On April 12, 1971, Azam and Matiur Rahman Nizami led processions denouncing the independence movement as an Indian conspiracyল
FORMING RAZAKARS AND AL-BADR
During Azam's leadership of Jamaat-e-Islami, Ashraf Hossain, a leader of Jamaat's student wing Islami Chhatra Sangha, created the Al-Badr militia in Jamalpur District on 22 April, 1971.[3] Current Jamaat Ameer (supreme leader) Matiur Rahman Nizami was the supreme commander of this militia. Nizami was a leader of Islami Chhatra Shongha then.
Also, in May, 1971, another Jamaat leader Mawlana Yusuf, a subordinate to Azam, created the Razakar militia in Khulna. The first recruits included 96 Jamaat party members, who started training in an Ansar camp at Shahjahan Ali Road, Khulna.
LATE ANTI-LIBERATIONIST ACTIVITIES
During the war Azam traveled the then West Pakistan to consult the Pakistani leaders.[12] On June 20, 1971, Azam declared in Lahore that the Hindu minority in East Pakistan, under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, are conspiring to secede from Pakistan. He also said in Rawalpindi that the actions of the Pakistan Army in Operation Searchlight were justified in order to preserve the unity of the country. Azam declared that his party (Jamaat) is trying it's best to curb the activities of pro-independence "Miscreants".[13] Azam took part in meetings with General Yahiya Khan, the military dictator of Pakistan, and other military leaders, to organize the campaign against Bangladeshi independence.
On August 12, 1971, Azam declared in a statement published in the Daily Sangram that "the supporters of the so-called Bangladesh Movement are the enemies of Islam, Pakistan, and Muslims".
Under the military tyranny of Yahya Khan East Pakistan earned it's reputation as a place of endless horror and suffering.[15] The only way to legalize this autocratic repression was to declare an election. So, on October 12, 1971 Yahya Khan declared that an election will be held from November 25 to December 9. Ghulam Azam decided to take part in this election. But suddenly on October 15 Pakistani government declared that, 15 candidates have been elected without any competition. According to the declaration of November 2 as many as 53 candidates were elected without any competition.[16] In this farcical election Jamaat under the leadership of Azam got 14 memberships among those 53. Actually it was a gift from Pakistani govt. so that they could get more help from Jamaat and other anti-Bangladesh parties while fighting the pro-independence forces. Jamaat was the most previleged party in this election, because 14 seats were like a dream to them.
FLEEING FROM BANGLADESH
Ghulam Azam wrote some of his activities of 9 months of the war in his biography Jibone Ja Dekhlam (What I have seen in life). According to his book, Azam claims that he was on way to Dhaka from West Pakistan on 3 December when midway through the flight, the plane changed direction to Saudi Arabia because of the formation of India-Bangladesh joint force against Pakistan. A few weeks later East Pakistan emerged as newly independent country Bangladesh and Ghulam Azam along with his political party Jamaat-e-Islami was banned by new country's government and Azam's Bangladesh citizenship was cancelled.[citation needed] However, New York Times reported that Azam left East Pakistan due to his opposition to the independence movement.
YEARS IN EXILE
After the war, the Bangladesh government declared the newly independent country to be secular, and mandated separation of religion from the state, and therefore sought to remove the influence of religious fundamentalists from national life, and religion based political parties were banned. In addition, the Jamaat and its leaders, because they were seen as guilty of collaboration with the Pakistan occupation forces during the Bangladesh Liberation War, were similarly restricted from participation in the new country's political scenario. Azam's citizenship in the new-born Bangladesh was revoked as he was one of the primary collaborators, and he refused an offer of amnesty from the then Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to return to Bangladesh and renounce Jamaat politics,[citation needed] choosing to live in exile in Pakistan and England until 1978, when President Ziaur Rahman restored multi-party democratic system, Jamaat re-launched itself, seizing the opportunity, and soon Ghulam Azam returned to Bangladesh on a temporary visa. While in Pakistan, he was a leader of what was left of the Pakistani branch of the Jamaat
ANTI-BANGLADESH LOBBYING AFTER 1971
After the victory of the Joint forces of the Indian Army and Mukti Bahini over Pakistan on 16th December, 1971 a new nation named Bangladesh was born. Azam continued his anti-Bangladesh and pro-Pakistan activities even after 1971. He tried to convince many political leaders of Middle-East and Pakistan not to support the new born nation. A complete description of these lobbies are found in the writings of Dhaka University Professor Anisuzzaman.[5] Mr. Anisuzzaman submitted all the allegations against Golam Azam to the People's Court in 1992. People's Court was established as a mass movement to try war criminals and anti-independence activists by Jahanara Imam and others. Jahanara Imam held this unprecedented Peoples' Court as a symbolic trial of Ghulam Azam where thousands of people gathered and the court gave verdict that Azam's offences committed during the Liberation War deserve capital punishment.
According to Prothom Alo, three intellectuals submitted allegations of war crimes against Ghulam Azam. The activities regarading Bengali culture were submitted by Syed Shamsul Huq, alleged war crimes during 1971 were detailed by Borhanuddin Khan Jahangir and his pro-Pakistan lobbying after 1971 was detailed by Anisuzzaman.[5] Notable pro-Pakistan lobbying of Ghulam Azam after 1971 are as follows:
- After the liberation of Bangladesh Azam, staying in Pakistan, created an organization named Purbo Pakistan Punoruddhar Committee (East Pakistan Revival Committee) along with anti-Bangladesh activists like Mahmud Ali and Khaja Khoyeruddin. Azam tried to strengthen the international movement to re-establish East Pakistan. Accordingly he kept claiming himself as the Ameer of East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami many years after the elimination of East Pakistan.
- In 1972, Azam formed Purbo Pakistan Punoruddhar Committee in London and conspired with others to replace Bangladesh with East Pakistan. In 1973, he lectured against Bangladesh in the annual conference of Federation of Students' Islamic Societies held in Manchester and conference of UK Islamic Commission held in Lester. In 1974, he arranged a meeting of Purbo Pakistan Punoruddhar Committee with Pakistanis like Mahmud Ali. As they had already failed to establish a Pakistan within Bangladesh, they decided to lead their movement towards the formation of a confederation combining Bangladesh and Pakistan. In this meeting Azam explained the necessity of working for the movement within Bangladesh though it was a bit risky then. In, 1977 in a meeting held in the Holy Trinity Church College, Azam expressed it again. He came to Bangladesh in 1978 with a Pakistani passport and Bangladeshi visa only to make his dream of Pakistan-Bangladesh confederation come true.
- Ghulam Azam participated in the International Islamic Youth Conference held in Riyad in 1972 and begged the help of all Muslim countries to re-establish East Pakistan. From 1973 to 1976 he met Saudi King seven times and asked him not to acknowledge Bangladesh and never to help this country by any means. He lectured against Bangladesh again in the international conference arranged by Rabeta-e-Alam Al-Islami in Mecca in 1974 and at King Abdul Aziz University in 1977.
- Azam lobbyied against the acknowledgment of new born Bangladesh in the conference of Foreign ministers of the Muslim countries held in Bengazi in 1973. In the same year he lectured in the Islamic Youth Conference held in Tripoli which was clearly against the independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh.
- In 1973 Ghulam Azam urged everybody to participate in the movement of combining Bangladesh with Pakistan in the annual conference of Muslim Students' Association of America and Canada held at Michigan State University.
- Azam lectured against Bangladesh again in 1977, in the international conference of Islamic Federation of Students' Organizations held at Istanbulল
REHABILITATION IN INDEPENDENT BANGLADESH
In 1978, then Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman allowed Azam to return to Bangladesh. Ghulam Azam returned to Bangladesh on a temporary visa with a Pakistani passport.[citation needed] But he had been living in Bangladesh from 1978 to 1994 as a Pakistani national without any valid visa to stay in Bangladesh.
Azam became the unofficial Ameer of the party while remaining in Bangladesh illegally, as he was denied Bangladeshi citizenship and had overstayed his visitors visa on his Pakistani passport. However, no attempt was made to restrain him, and he moved around openly. His citizenship was granted in 1994 by a decision of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, as the panel of Judges, with Habibur Rahman as the Chief Justice (later chief of the Caretaker government of 1996), decreed that by virtue of his birth he had right to Bangladeshi citizenship.
Though the Jamaat fell out with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party in the run up to the 1996 elections, it re-established its alliance creating a coalition of 4 parties prior to the 2001 elections. In conjunction with the Islami Oikya Jote and a faction of the Jatiya Party, Jamaat again allied with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the coalition emerged as the winning power.
Ghulam Azam announced his retirement from active politics in late 2000. He was succeeded by Motiur Rahman Nizami.
Ghulam Azam's party, Jamaat-e-Islami, has been widely accused different organizations as a
WARCRIMINAL NO.2
MOTIUR RAHMAN NIZAMI
(Bengali: মতিউর রহমান নিজামী), (born 31 March 1943) is the current chief (Ameer) of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, which is the largest Islamic political party in Bangladesh. During Bangladesh Liberation War, he acted as the supreme commander of the Al-Badr militia, which had taken part in various war crimes including killing of hundreds of intellectuals around the country
JAMAAT AND AL-BADR ACTIVIST
Nizami rose in the ranks of the Jamaat-e-Islami in East Pakistan in the 1960s, after being a leader of a student organization, Islamic Chhatro Shango (now Islami Chhatro Shibir). During the liberation war of 1971, Nizami actively supported the cause of West Pakistan and formed the Al-Badr Party in which he acted as the supreme commander of the Al-Badr Militia.[1][2] As the leader of Al-Badr, Nizami advocated deadly violence against minority Hindus, and in an article in the Daily Sangram published in 14 November 1971, Nizami claimed, "It is our conviction that the day is not far off when, standing side by side with our armed forces, our youth will raise the victorious flag of Islam the world over by defeating the Hindu Army and finishing off Hindustan".[1][3] Nizami was then well known as "Moitya Rajakar (মইত্যা রাজাকার)" for his anti-liberation activities
The Al-Badr militia took active part in raping, capturing and killing of Bangladeshis who supported the liberation, including a pre-planned massacre on December 14, 1971, when the Al-Badr militia along with Pakistan Army rounded up hundreds of doctors, professors, writers, and other Bengali intellectuals, and executed them.
POLITICAL CAREER
Under the rule of Ziaur Rahman, top Jamaat leaders such as Ghulam Azam and Nizami whose party were banned by the subsequent government after liberation, returned to Bangladesh in 1978 and revived the Jamaat party. Nizami emerged as a key national leader of the Jamaat, organising the Islami Chhatra Shibir (Muslim Students Organisation), which serves as the youth wing of the Jamaat. In 1991, he was elected as a Member of Parliament, representing Jamaat-e-Islami for the constituency of Pabna-1, and was Jamaat's Parliamentary Party leader during until 1994.
However, during the 1996 elections, he lost out to both the candidates for the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Bangladesh Awami League in his constituency, and Professor Abu Sayed of the Awami League replaced him. Nizami took over as the Ameer from Ghulam Azam in 2001.[9] In the same year, representing his party as part of a four-party alliance including BNP, he won in Pabna-1, receiving 57.68% of the votes.[10] Nizami served as the Industrial Minister from 2003 to 2006, after a two-year term as the Minister of Agriculture.Nizami was defeated in the general election held on 29th December 2008 as a candidate of 4-party alliance, losing his seat for Pabna-1 to Md. Shamsul Haque by 8.2%. He received 45.6% of the votes, out of which 41.03% votes were from BNP supporters. His opponent representing the Awami League won, having 53.8%.
ALLEGATIONS OF CORRUPTION
The Anti-corruption Commission of Bangladesh indicted Nizami on the GATCO Corruption case, in which he along with several other politicians are alleged to have granted illegally a container-depot contract to the local firm GATCO. [11] A warrant was issued to arrest Nizami along with 12 others on May 15, 2008.
Nizami was accused of conspiring with 12 other politicians to award the contract to GATCO despite the fact that GATCO did not meed the conditions of the tender. The case filed by the Anti-corruption Commission of Bangladesh Govt. alleges that, the deal with GATCO caused a total loss of more than 100 million Bangladeshi Taka to the Government.[12] Nizami denied the charges, which he has said are politically motivated. He was released after two months on bail.
REFERENCE:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Motiur_Rahman_Nizami
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As a freedom fighter and as a son of the soil of Bangladesh, I feel better now. The nation has been freed from a curse and the rule of law has been upheld. We need to punish those who supported and rewarded these killers:
Moktel Hossain Mukthi
All detained Bangabandhu Killers Executed.
Govt goes for execution 14 hours after review petition rejected; bodies sent to their village homes with police escort
Clockwise: Syed Farooq Rahman, Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Bazlul Huda, AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed and Mohiuddin Ahmed
Five condemned killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were hanged early today at Dhaka Central Jail amid tight security.
The death sentences of the five were executed around 14 and a half hours after the Appellate Division dismissed their pleas to review the Supreme Court verdict that confirmed capital punishment to 12 former army officers including the five petitioners on November 19 last year.
The dismissal paved the way for executing the five killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family members any time within January 31.
"Sultan Shahriar Rashid and Syed Farooq Rahman were the first to walk the gallows at 12:05am. They were handcuffed and their heads were covered in black hoods in the final minutes to midnight," Dhaka Deputy Commissioner Zillar Rahman told The Daily Star soon after he walked out of the jail premises around 1:45am.
Two hangmen put two nooses around the necks of the two condemned killers. Two other hangmen--Hafiz and Shahjahan--were ready to pull levers to slide apart the scaffolds.
It was 12:05am. Dhaka Jail Superintendent Touhidul Islam dropped a handkerchief from his hand to give signal to the hangmen. The two chief hangmen pulled the levers.
Sultan Shahriar and Farooq were kept hanging for half an hour to confirm their death, witnesses said.
At 12:35am, two other killers of Bangabandhu--AKM Mohiuddin and Bazlul Huda--were brought to the gallows. They were also executed in a similar fashion.
Then it was the turn for Mohiuddin Ahmed. He was brought to a gallows at 1:05am and was hanged following all rituals.
The authorities had taken up a three-layer security measure for the execution.
Members of Rapid Action Battalion, police and armed police battalion were deployed around Dhaka Central Jail. Vehicular movement was restricted on the road in front of the jail gate.
Besides, law enforcement and intelligence agencies were kept alert across the country to avert any untoward incident.
As the news spread earlier that the five convicts would be executed, several hundred people started gathering at the jail gate in the evening, reported our staff correspondents Rashidul Hasan and Shaheen Mollah. A lot of people brought out processions in different parts of the capital including Bangabandhu's residence in Dhanmondi and Dhaka University campus.
Civil Surgeon Mushfiqur Rahman, Inspector General (Prisons) Ashraful Islam Khan, Deputy Commissioner Zillar Rahman, four magistrates led by the Dhaka district additional deputy commissioner, Home Secretary Abdus Sobhan Sikder and Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner AKM Shahidul Hoque arrived at the jail after 10:00pm yesterday.
Jail sources said they bathed the convicts around 11:00am. Around half an hour later the civil surgeon and two other doctors conducted medical check-ups of the convicts.
Earlier, the two gallows beside the condemned cells in the jail were prepared for the execution.
The compound was lit with floodlights around 11:00pm last night.
The bodies of the five were sent to their village homes by five ambulances by 3:30am under police and Rab escort after conducting post mortem, said Jail Superintendent Touhidul Islam.
People were seen throwing shoes at an ambulance carrying one of the dead bodies.
The five hangmen who performed the execution are Hafiz, Mohammad Shahjahan, Faruq, Raju and Sanwar.
REVIEW PETITION DISMISSAL
Earlier yesterday, following the dismissal of his review petition, convict Syed Farooq Rahman in the afternoon appealed to the president for clemency, which President Zillur Rahman rejected.Dhaka Jail Superintendent Touhidul Islam last night confirmed The Daily Star that they received the president's rejection order.
The Appellate Division rejected the review petitions as they contained no new arguments and any legal grounds for reviewing the Supreme Court judgment confirming the death sentences.
In all the petitions, the counsel of the convicts reiterated points that had already been argued during the hearing of their appeals against the High Court verdict. The HC had rejected those pleas.
The four-member bench of the Appellate Division headed by Chief Justice Md Tafazzul Islam pronounced the order yesterday morning.
The other members of the Appellate Division bench were justices BK Das, Md Muzammel Hossain and SK Sinha. They heard arguments on the review petitions for three days from January 24.
Killers Syed Farooq Rahman, Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Mohiuddin Ahmed, Bazlul Huda and AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed, who were in condemned cells of Dhaka Central Jail, had filed the review petitions with the Supreme Court against its verdict.
Law Minister Shafique Ahmed told reporters that as per jail code, the jail authorities should execute the convicts between the 21st and 28th days after the trial court issued death warrants against them.
The death warrants were issued on January 3 and the countdown started the same day, Shafique said, adding that this means the last date for execution is January 31.
Earlier in the day, the law minister held a meeting at his office with Home Minister Sahara Khatun, State Minister for Law Quamrul Islam, Chief State Counsel Anisul Huq, Attorney General Mahbubey Alam, Additional Law Secretary Anwarul Haque, Home Secretary Abdus Sobhan Sikder, Inspector General of Prisons Brig Gen Ashraful Islam Khan and Dhaka Jail Superintendent Touhidul Islam.
The meeting was held to decide the next course of action following the passage of the SC orders.
On November 19 last year, the Supreme Court awarded death penalty to 12 convicts. Apart from the five executed today, six are on the run and one died.
In an instant reaction to the dismissal of the review petitions, Chief State Counsel Anisul Huq and Attorney General Mahbubey Alam told reporters that they are happy with the apex court's order as they got justice in the case.
"Our fight was for establishing the rule of law and justice, not envy, and we got justice," Anisul Huq said.
Mahbubey Alam said the trial proceeding of one of the most heinous killings in history came to an end with the dismissal of the review petitions.
Barrister Abdullah-Al Mamun, lawyer for two convicts, told The Daily Star that they accepted the SC orders although they were disappointed with the dismissal of the review petitions.
Mamun urged the prime minister to show mercy to the convicts as a gesture of kindness.
FAROOQ'S MERCY PETITION
Convict Farooq Rahman sought presidential clemency through the jail authority.The jail authorities forwarded the petition to the law ministry through the home ministry for legal opinion, a law ministry official told The Daily Star. But the law ministry subsequently opined against presidential mercy to Farooq.
The law ministry sent back the petition to the home ministry, saying although it is the president's prerogative to grant mercy, it would not be judicious to pardon the condemned convicts of Bangabandhu murder case.
Three other condemned former army officers--Mohiuddin Ahmed, AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed and Bazlul Huda--earlier sought mercy from the president, which the president rejected on January 18.
We want to build Bangladesh as a peaceful country in South Asia: PM Sheikh Hasina
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina today strongly justified the outcomes of her maiden India visit saying only friendship among the regional countries could greatly help South Asia fight its common enemy-poverty. "You can get many things through the friendship (with neighbours), which you can't get through enmity . I am not the person to pick quarrel with anyone while the countries in the region needed intensified cooperation to fight their common enemy-poverty," she told a crowded press conference here two days after her return from India. She defended her understanding with Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh in offering the facilities of Bangladesh's two seaports to India alongside Nepal and Bhutan, saying it would earn the country "huge revenues" and pave ways for regional trade connectivity. "Currently, we can use only 40 percent of the capacity of the (southeastern main) Chittagong Port and 10 percent of the (southwestern) Mongla Port," she said. Sheikh Hasina called a major success of her trip in obtaining Indian nod in allowing its territory for Bangladesh's road links with Nepal and Bhutan which, she said, ensured a regional connectivity "while India is said to be interested only in bilateral arrangements on all issues". The Premier said her Indian counterpart reassured her that they would not take any project which could harm Bangladesh while about the common Teesta River the ministerial level talks of the Joint River Commission (JRC) would take place next month while the technical committee meeting and the secretary level talks of JRC were already held. She said the issues of the Teesta and the Tipaimukh did not emerge overnight while the Flood Action Plan (FAP) documents of the early 1990s too had reference of the cross-border Tipaimukh structure but the past BNP-led four party coalition government "uttered nothing" on the issues.
Replying to another question, she said if the previous government had done something on the matters, "we could have carried forward the process to a large extent . . . as the governmental process is continued process," Sheikh Hasina said. She, however, regretted that the subsequent BNP government had scrapped 99 projects undertaken by her previous Awami League government after the change of power in 2001.
Dhaka and New Delhi inked three treaties on security and terrorism, cross border crime and mutual legal assistance and two memorandums of understanding on power swapping and trade links while the two sides agreed on several other issues including offering India the port facilities in Bangladesh in a joint communiqué,. Asked for comments on opposition allegations that she had "compromised the national interest" during the visit to New Delhi, the Prime Minister said,
"I have succeeded in my mission as Bangladesh's interests have been protected in full". "Opposing India is nothing new in Bangladesh; we are familiar with the anti-India campaign since 1954 elections . . . it became a habit of some people and we have nothing to do about it,"
Sheikh Hasina said. The premier said she would continue to do whatever is "justified and good for the people of the country", defying the opposition criticism.
Asked if a national consensus is needed ahead of concluding agreements with India as claimed by the opposition, she said those were made on the basis of peoples mandate as the ruling Awami League had clearly proposed those in its election manifesto. Sheikh Hasina said the opposition "expected me" to return with concrete results on several issues including the sharing of waters in common rivers "but while in power they did nothing to settle these issues".
Deputy Leader of the House and Awami League Presidium Member Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury, Awami League Advisory Council members Dr S A Malek, Amir Hossain Amu, Abdur Razzak, Tofail Ahmed and Suranjit Sengupata, Jute and Textiles Minister Abdul Latif Sidduque, Awami League General Secretary and LGRD and Cooperatives Minister Syed Ashraful Islam, Information Minister Abul Kalam Azad, Chairman of Parliamentary Standing Committee on Information and Cultural Affairs Obaidul Quader, Communications Minister Syed Abul Hossain, Foreign Minister Dr Dipu Moni, among others, were attended the press conference.
The press conference was also attended by the leaders of the Awami League-led grand alliance including ex-president HM Ershad MP of Jatiya Party, Samyabadi Dal leader Dilip Barua, Workers Party leader Rashed Khan Menon MP and JSD chief Hasanul Haque Inu MP.
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